Thursday, October 31, 2019

Causes Of Bent Grass And Effect Of Soil Compaction On Turf Recovery Coursework

Causes Of Bent Grass And Effect Of Soil Compaction On Turf Recovery - Coursework Example Analyses were conducted to determine the greatest height attainment by grass transections, and the correlation towards soil conditions; particularly soil compaction. While there is abundant research evidence that soil compaction due to foot traffic impedes grass growth in many ways, in this case there was insufficient correlation between height and compaction to conclude a detriment to turf grasses.Even the most cursory of observations within a well-traveled outdoor area reveals the apparent lack of ground cover plants in areas of high foot traffic. Regardless of whether the traffic is human or animal origin. An obvious trail of bare dirt illustrates the way grass and other forms of plants that serve as ground cover are restricted in their growth through trampling. While it is apparent that heavy traffic can kill or impede grasses, a thorough understanding of botany requires the elucidation of the extent to which this is true; how much data can be gathered regarding how much grass is restricted by what amount due to a particular level of human or animal foot traffic? A significant body of research already exists relating to this topic in addition to the data presented herein. Studies of this sort have a great value in terms of the conservation of natural resources. This is especially true pertaining to the unification and maintenance of Parkland in suburban settings. Where groundcover is in danger, adequate resource planning in addition to architectural and design strategy are helpful in terms of the preservation not only a wilderness areas, but of groundcover existing at schools, universities, and other public places. Over time, the consequences of traffic can cause problems in agriculture as well. Vehicles used to till the soil may at the same time diminish that soil's ability to defuse nutrients unless special care is taken. (Reintam et al. 2005) Sports fields and golf courses must also seriously consider and the impact of human foot traffic upon it. On thes e sorts of fields or fairways severe damage in the form of turf removal can occur, the sort of removal can also be known as a divot. The implications of wear and tear on the turf grass essential for the appearance they wish to cultivate. Harivandi describes the genetic tolerance of turf grasses to withstand foot traffic as wear tolerance. (Harivandi, 2002) vehicular traffic may also be a concern if it is consistent, and localized to a specific, narrow region of groundcover. Wear tolerance reflects the ability of a particular turfgrass to survive pressure that can compress or crush the stems, or leaves of grasses and other types of plants. In essence, the result is two primary challenges posed by foot and vehicular traffic: damage to the plants themselves, as quantified by wear tolerance of the grasses – and soil compaction, which affects the soil itself and its ability to support life and to provide the fertile ground for new growth; under dry conditions. (Brosnan et al. 2005 ) High traffic areas, if left unattended can be sorely defaced through the additional process of soil displacement. This is a topic of concern upon wet soils especially. Under these conditions increased damage to various forms of turfgrass and higher levels of the root system can be severe. (Harivandi, 2002) Kentucky bluegrass tends to be the most common form of turfgrass used for athletic fields. (Puhalla et al. 1999) Over time, the damage from considerable foot traffic has the potential to become a cumulative. As the soil grows increasingly compact, the viability and fertility of the area in terms of plant

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

War of the Worlds Essay Example for Free

War of the Worlds Essay War of the Worlds is a book which was written by H.G Wells in 1989, the book depicts the end of mankind at the peril of Martians. The main fears at that time where highlighted in this book. H.G Wells was a man of science, when in education he received many science awards and he liked to write science fiction novels. Some of his well known novels where The Time Machine and The Invisible Man these where some of his well known books but War of the Worlds must be his most popular as it is still read over a hundred years after he wrote it. At the start of the book an object is seen flying towards earth by the narrator and his friend who are both scientists, this object was a metal cylinder which landed on Horsell common, a crowd gathers and theyre all amazed at what is lying in front of them. After a short while the cylinder starts to unscrew, this is when the crowd start to realise that there may be someone or something inside the cylinder, maybe it was men from mars thought the narrator. With the first sighting of the Martian, many people on Horsell common are mesmerised be the visitors. They appear to be like a mass bulk of wet leather. The Martians do not move around, as it is thought that they will be helpless as the force of gravity is much stronger than that on mars. But little do they know that the visitor is more powerful than them. This can be shown when the Martian fires the Heat Ray on the people around the pit. This causes disarray, with which many flee the scene. The narrator says an ungovernable terror gripped me as he witness the Martians act of devastation. A short while after the cylinder had landed one of its ends started to unscrew, when the end had fully unscrewed a brown leather like tentacles appeared. At the same time as the tentacles appearing the crowd started running in all directions. The Martians didnt move anywhere as the scientist seemed to think they wouldnt because of the difference in gravity on mars and earth, on earth the Martians would be heavier. With the Martians not moving the humans thought that they wouldnt be very powerful, but little did they know about the Martians light rays. When the Martians first use there light ray the crowd go into a frantic rush to leave the common. When the narrator see the immense power of the Martians he says an ungovernable terror gripped me Throughout the book there is an imbalance of power, this is with the Martians having there immensely powerful light rays and the humans only having there guns. The main quote which shows the imbalance of power is its bows and arrows against the lightening anyhow. When the imbalance of power is realised by the humans they start to flee there house when the Martians get closer. When the Martians are in London there are only a few of them against all of the population but only one of the Martians get injured, although two of them where destroyed by the Thunder Child. The civilisation of London is destroyed by the Martians black gas. The black gas forces people who are living there to flee their houses so they dont die. With this black gas covering London the book quotes that it is like an ink splodge on a map. H.G Well adds a religious side to the novel when he introduces the curate, also the exodus in London can be compared with the story of Sodom and Gomorrah. The book also highlights many of the fears of the people at the time when it was written. One of the main fears at that time was of the industrial revolution, with machines being invented and used many people where afraid that machines would eventually take over the world. Also at that time the British where colonising many countries, one of these where Africa. The quote which was used in the book about bows and arrows is also linked to countries like Africa having basic weapons when the British had guns etc. Around that time many people believed that there might have been men on mars. H.G Wells manages to incorporate some of the fears of mechanisation through the way which the Martians are portrayed. The way which the Martians treated the humans is identified by the way which the British was treating the countries which they where colonising. Today people never have the same fears at what people had back when The War of the Worlds was written, this is mainly because scientist have managed to prove more things and technology is much more advanced now days. Although the main fears of today are nuclear war and weapons of mass destruction.

Sunday, October 27, 2019

New Labours Immigration Policy

New Labours Immigration Policy A report on new labour immigration policy UK The aim of the following report is to provide a summary and analysis of UK immigration policy under New Labour governments. The debates surrounding immigration policy have continued to cause political controversy since New Labour came into power in 1997. New Labour had hoped to speed up the immigration process to be fairer to potential immigrants and asylum seekers, whilst improving administrative efficiency, though it has faced difficulties in achieving its aims. The report will assess the effectiveness or otherwise of immigration policy and all areas of strengths and weaknesses will be examined. New Labour has found immigration policy a difficult area to handle; the reasons for such difficulty will be discussed in the report below. It must be mentioned that some direct influences upon immigration policy are outside of the UK government’s direct control. For instance, the expansion of the European Union (EU) with its corresponding increase in the number of people that are fre e to enter the country. Whilst increases in wars, civil wars, and repression by authoritarian regimes across the globe can often lead to more people wishing to claim asylum or refugee status. New Labour and immigration policy Immigration policy has always been an issue that has been capable of producing controversy and debate within British politics and society, with the media sometimes being particularly influential. Policy is sometimes shaped or altered by that debate, and in the past has convinced governments that immigration policy has had to be completely changed. Since the early 1960s successive British governments had sought to limit immigration into the UK.[1] New Labour was keen to make immigration policy fairer without encouraging higher levels of immigration. UK immigration policy was already faced with difficulties when New Labour came into office. Making decisions as to whether people were legal immigrants, illegal immigrants, refugees, or asylum seekers was a complicated process. The number of asylum seekers increased slowly but surely during the 1990s as a result of conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, Somalia, and Afghanistan, as well as other countries. The Conservatives tried to halt that increase by denying right of appeal and withdrawing social security payments to failed asylum seekers.[2] New Labour reversed some of the Conservatives policies aimed at reducing immigration. For example, returning failed asylum seekers to their home countries if those countries were considered safe was no longer done automatically, and some of the restrictions with regard to social security payments were reduced. New Labour also reintroduced the right to appeal for those that were refused entry or leave to remain in the UK. These initial reductions in immigration control have to a great extent being reversed.[3] New Labour’s initial liberalisation of immigration policy was not destined to last long. Whilst New Labour was reducing the UK’s immigration controls other EU states, Germany and France in particular were increasing theirs. Tighter German and French immigration controls meant that that more asylum seekers came to the UK, which placed a strain on the immigration system and tested the resolve of New Labour to maintain its more liberal immigration policy. The immigration system was unable to cope with the volume of asylum seekers; the appeal process was slow and caused a large backlog of cases waiting to be decided. The problems with immigration policy were widely reported by the media and were used by both the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats to criticise New Labour. New Labour responded by making its immigration policy less liberal, attempting to improve the administration of the immigration system and by reducing the number of asylum seekers allowed into the coun try. New Labour was able to persuade the French government to close down the Sangette Refugee Centre, which was close to the Eurotunnel terminal and allowed asylum seekers to get in to the UK. New Labour resorted to some of the measures previously used by the Conservatives to restrict immigrants, such as sending failed asylum seekers back to the countries deemed to be safe, speeding up appeal times and making people appeal from abroad.[4] New Labour argued that restricting immigration policy would help reduce support for extreme parties such as the British National Party that have received strong electoral support in areas like Burnley and Oldham.[5] The expansion of the EU has affected the immigration policy of New Labour. New member states citizens have rights to work and live in the UK. Citizens from Poland, the Czech Republic, and the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, have immigrated to the UK to find work. Official statistics show that the Poles were the largest national groups of approved immigrants in 2004, with 26,600 being allowed into the UK.[6] New Labour underestimated the number of people from Eastern Europe that would enter the UK after their countries joined the EU, which prompted ministers to consider work permits for those people from Bulgaria and Romania who wished to come to the UK from January 2007.[7] An important part of New Labour immigration policy is attracting skilled and semi-skilled immigrants and their families into the UK. Firstly these workers are wanted to fill skilled jobs, which means that they should be net contributors of tax and national insurance contributions. The controlled immigration of skilled workers adds to the UK’s resources rather than taking away from them. Secondly, young skilled and semi-skilled workers are encouraged to come to the UK to reduce the economic consequences of an ageing population; it is hoped that they will help to pay for the pensions, and public services of everybody that lives in the UK. New Labour has adopted its immigration policy to score potential immigrants against a series of criteria that assess their skills for potential employers. Those workers that score the highest points are the people that find it easiest to gain entry into the UK.[8] The terms of accession for the Eastern European states means that immigrants do n ot have to be skilled or semi-skilled workers to enter the UK. However, unskilled workers may find it more difficult to find long-term work and are perhaps more likely to need social security benefits.[9] East European immigrant workers have, like previous immigrants, not found themselves welcomed by everyone, as some people believe that they are taking away jobs from British workers. Immigrant workers are often prepared to accept lower wages, yet in many cases they are taking jobs that few British workers want.[10] Critics of New Labour’s immigration policy have argued that the UK received more immigrants due to fewer restrictions being in place, such as work permits and less entitlement to social security benefits. Some also believe that New Labour immigration policy is so ineffective that it hardly constitutes a policy at all. An example of New Labour’s inability to administer its immigration policy was the resignation of the junior minister Beverley Hughes over the fast tracking of visas.[11] In 2005, Home Secretary John Reid went as far as describing the Immigration and Nationalities Directorate as ‘not been fit for purpose’ due to its failure to deport foreign prisoners after the completion of their sentences.[12] There has certainly been frequent media coverage about current levels of immigration being unsustainable for the UK’s health, education, and social security infrastructures. Some of these articles are well researched and plausible, whilst others amount to scare mongering. Former New Labour minister Frank Field argues that the present rate of immigration into the UK is unsustainable, especially if the present net population gains continue at 2004 rates, or indeed if they increase which is possible due to Romania and Bulgaria joining the EU. Official figures show that 329,000 immigrants entered the UK from the new EU member states between 2004 and 2006. Field claims that such migration ‘is producing the equivalent of a new city of Birmingham every five years.’[13] These people that believe New Labour immigration policy has become too restrictive argue that right wing media, pressure groups such as Migrationwatch UK, and the Conservatives have set the agenda over immigration. As with previous restrictions of immigration policy the fear that the Far Right might make electoral gains has been another reason or excuse to restrict immigration.[14] With the exception of a few isolated backbenchers the Labour party has accepted its leadership adoption of more restrictive immigration policy. For instance, New Labour MPs voted for the Immigration Act 2002 which introduced detention centres for asylum seekers and the provision of citizenship lessons for those immigrants that were allowed to live in the UK. New Labour claimed that the new legislation restricted immigration, whilst protecting the human rights of asylum seekers. The bill was only passed because the government made concessions about the location of detention centres to the House of Lords.[15 ] The Liberal Democrats have been the most vocal opponents of New Labour shifts in immigration policy. The Liberal Democrats believe that New Labour has failed to liberalise immigration policy and that claims that they wish to protect the human rights of asylum seekers or immigrants are just a sham. Former Home Secretary David Blunkett was certainly enthusiastic about restricting New Labour immigration policy and reducing the number of asylum seekers, a stance his successors will probably continue. The Liberal Democrats have even tried to complain to the Commission for Racial Equality about what they claim is New Labour’s racist immigration policy.[16] Official statistics have shown declining numbers of asylum seekers and higher numbers of people being returned to their countries of origin. Whereas previously New Labour made public declarations of making immigration policy fairer and less restrictive, it now shows figures depicting falling immigrant numbers that prove tighter and controls are working better.[17] Home Office figures frequently show that 70% of asylum applications fail. It was just taking longer to turn down people when 18,000 applications, a quarter were being received, like the number of applications that were made in the first quarter of 2002.[18] The immigration that New Labour has tried to restrict differed from previous periods of immigration in that as would be immigrants were not form the New Commonwealth countries but from Eastern Europe or from places such as Somalia and Afghanistan troubled by violence or the disintegration of their state.[19] New Labour claims that its immigration policy has started to deliver ‘a fair, fast, and firm system’. The backlog in asylum and immigration applications meant that the government adopted pragmatic, as well as restrictive measures to speed up the immigration process and increase administrative efficiency. The first obvious measure was to prevent potential asylum seekers reaching the UK in the first place, by securing ports and airports, as well as preventing boarding the Eurostar trains in France. Improving administrative efficiency was helped by employing some extra 2,000 people within the Home Office to deal with immigration work. Extra staff contributed to more than 84% of first decisions being made within two months of applications being received. The issuing of identity cards and the finger printing of all asylum seekers has allowed for more people being deported and fewer being able to remain illegally within the UK. Overall New Labour contends that the total of asy lum applications has dropped by 70% since October 2002.[20] New Labour believes that simplifying the appeals structure and making failed asylum seekers appeal from abroad has contributed to the fall in asylum applications. The Asylum and Immigration Tribunal that replaced the previously more complicated appeals system from 2005 is considered an important part of its drive towards increased administrative efficiency.[21] When it came to power New Labour had intended to liberalise immigration policy into the UK. If that liberalisation of immigration policy had been sustained it would have marked a break from the progressively restrictive policies of Conservative and Labour governments since the 1960s. The administration of the immigration service had started to be strained in the last years of the Conservative government as worsening conditions in countries such as the former Yugoslavia, Somalia, and Afghanistan had led to more people seeking asylum. The liberalisation of immigration policy by New Labour inadvertently led to making the strain on the immigration service worse. Restoring the right of appeal to failed asylum seekers, the relaxation of restrictions to social security benefits when combined with a large increase in asylum applications made for a chaotic backlog in which the government seemed to lose control of immigration policy. New Labour had to take pragmatic measures to end the backlog by making it harder for people to enter the UK illegally, and by employing more staff to deal with the backlog. New Labour had political reasons for reversing its liberalisation of immigration policy that carried more weight than practical reasons for restoring administrative control of the situation. New Labour despite its huge majorities in the 1997 and 2001 general elections did not wish to lose electoral support to the Conservatives or other right wing parties like the BNP due to its immigration policy being considered too soft. New Labour did not set the agenda over immigration policy; the Conservatives, pressure groups, and the media set it. More restrictive immigration policy and the effect of improved administrative practices helped to lower the number of asylum seekers from its peak in October 2002. However, for right wing critics of New Labour its immigration policy could never be restrictive enough, whilst for the Liberal Democrats and other left wing critics New Labour has betrayed its promises of respecting the human rights of immigrants and asylum seekers for its own electoral ga in. Perhaps the most contentious area of New Labour immigration policy relates to the immigration of people from the new member states of the EU. These people have greater rights to enter the UK than people from outside of the EU. The long term economic benefits or costs of this migration are not yet clear, although the arrival of immigrants has not proved to be popular and has caused resentment about lower wages and the taking of jobs from British workers. The main recommendation from this report is that New Labour makes the administration of its immigration policy as efficient as possible. Poor organisation and lack of resources made the backlog of immigration cases worse. New Labour needs to commit enough well trained staff to ensure its immigration policy has direction and works. New Labour should also collect accurate information regarding levels of immigration, and adjust its policy accordingly, as a government it should focus on effective policy rather than spin. Bibliography Bright M, Wazir B, Flatt E, The Observer December 1 2002 Onward march of lobby against immigration Coxall B, Robins L Leach R (2003) Contemporary British Politics 4th edition, Palgrave, Basingstoke Field F, Daily Mail 30th June 2006, Why are politicians ignoring the immigration timebomb? Fisher J, Denver D, Benyon J, (2003) Central Debates in British Politics, Longman, London Hume M, 2 April 2004 New Labours problem is disintegration, not immigration www.spiked-online.com Kingdom J (2003) Government and Politics in Britain, An Introduction 3rd edition, Polity Press, Cambridge Moran M, (2005) Politic and Governance in the UK, Palgrave, Basingstoke Schott B, (2006) Schott’s Almanac 2007, Bloomsbury, London The Guardian, November 7 2002 Asylum bill becomes law Whitaker’s, (2007) Whitaker’s Almanack 2007 – today’s world in one volume, A C Black, London Young H, (2003) supping with the Devils – Political writing from Thatcher to Blair, Guardian Books, London www.labour.org.uk – Asylum and Immigration 1 Footnotes [1] Fisher et al, (2003) p. 5 [2] Young, (20030 p. 230 [3] Kingdom, (2003), p.198 [4] Young, (2003), p.246 [5] Kingdom, (2003), p.198 [6] Whitaker’s Almanack, (2007), p.18 [7] www.labour.org.uk [8] Moran, (2005) p. 49 [9] Whitaker’s Almanack, (2007) p. 18 [10] Young (2003) p. 246 [11] Spiked-online.com, 2 April 2004 [12] Schott, (2007) pp. 45-7 [13] Frank Field, Daily Mail 30th June 2006 [14] Bright et al, The Observer December 1 2002 [15] The Guardian, November 7 2002 [16] Kingdom, (2003), p.198 [17] Coxall et al, (2003), p.394 [18] Kingdom, (2003), p.195 [19] Coxall et al, (2003), p.20 [20] www.labour.org.uk [21] Whitaker’s Almanack (2007) p. 344

Friday, October 25, 2019

King Lear is a Christian Play About a Pagan World Essay examples -- Wi

King Lear is a Christian Play About a Pagan World It is evident that King Lear contains references to both the Christian and Pagan doctrine. However, they seem to be expressed in entirely different styles. King Lear is purposefully set in a pre Christian era with numerous references to classical Gods but conversely there appears to be a striking resonance of Christian theology throughout the play. These echoes appear in various forms including the idea of Edgar being a Christ-like figure and also the presence of a supposed divine justice. Therefore there is truth in the view that although King Lear has a pagan setting, its significance is ultimately relating to Christianity. Perhaps the most obvious way in which Shakespeare creates the pagan setting is through the specific mentions of non-Christian gods. When looking at the first scene it is apparent Shakespeare has deliberately seasoned it with pagan references, an example being Lear's response to Cordelia's unwillingness to speak, 'by the sacred radiance of the sun, The mysteries of Hecate and the night'. Shortly after this, Lear's rage is aimed at Kent for his defence of the king's supposedly wicked daughter, when he swears, 'by Apollo' and 'by Jupiter'. Another instance that shows Lear appealing to deities rather than the Christian belief of a singular being occurs during his exposure to the storm on the heath, 'Let the great Gods, That keep this dreadful pudder o'er our heads, Find out their enemies now.' All these quotes therefore demonstrate that King Lear is deliberately set in a pre-Christian era. However, this is not conclusive evidence that... ...ester's attempted suicide and the implication of Kent's without arousing shock and disapproval from the paying audience, as it was believed that such behaviour prevailed in this 'unnatural' era. In conclusion, the view that King Lear is 'a Christian play about a pagan world' is entirely plausible. The characters openly speak to and appeal to non-Christian gods and they doubt divine justice, suggesting that, 'They kill us for their sport.' This therefore creates a pagan setting for the play. However, there are definite Christian ideas running throughout the play which manifest themselves mainly in Edgar and Lear. Therefore, there is an inclination to agree with J C Maxwell, as despite the setting of the King Lear being Christian, its morals and concepts of atonement and redemption, lean towards Christian theology.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Philosophy Report

Compare, contrast, and evaluate Plato and Mill on the relation between the individual and society. Two of the greatest minds in intellectual thought, Plato and Mill living in relatively different times, they both shared the same issues and concerns but with very distinct perspectives. Plato believed that freedom was justice in the soul while Mill was defending freedom within a democracy. Is one freedom better than another freedom? Plato tries to show that individual justice mirrors political justice. He believed that the soul of every individual has a three part structure interchangeable to the three classes of society.Plato, being an idealist, he believed that his philosophers should be impeccable with knowledge. If â€Å"performing abortions† is morally offensive- in a Platonic society that debate wouldn’t happen, because it would be outright outlawed. So how would we know that it isn’t moral? We would never know. And THAT is the kind of suppression Mill disagr ees with- isn’t finding out the truth more important than morality? Or is ignorance better than understanding? Mill’s views in the individual and society completely differ from Plato’s. Mill’s view in the individual has the experience and environment that Plato considers unimportant.Mill also believed that a human could develop full potential only by offering the opportunity to define true ability in an individual. He was completely against forcing opinions from one group onto the other. It was doing injustice to the individual. Mill was for the people. He understood society’s struggles when it came to dangerous work stations to where the workers would be paid little to nothing at all. It was an injustice to them to be working so hard and not being appreciated for how hard of an effort workers put into their job. Freedom surely didn’t exist there and Mill strived for that to change.Virtuous and expert rules are possible if and only if the ru lers may be philosophers. Plato absolutely believed normal everyday people had no way in becoming a great leader because only intelligence and expertise is only found in Philosophers. He had the perfect picture of an ideal ruler. He also strictly believed one’s abilities portray the certain opportunities given to the philosopher while Mill believed in the complete opposite from that. Each person is naturally suited for a certain task. If you are gifted with intelligence, Plato believes it shouldn’t be put to waste.For example, you are better off being a Doctor than being a construction worker. â€Å"The good city† is possible when â€Å"experts† are in charge of it. Only two worlds existed in Plato’s Theory of the Forms: The visible world and the intelligible world. Knowledge comes down to having knowledge of the forms. You cannot know what is false. Opinion/belief cannot ever be wrong. Knowledge is about what is real or if you have facts to prove whether it’s true or false. Ignorance is separate from pinion but is much clearer than ignorance. It’s part truth, part ignorance.Mill thinks we should be free to do what we want, unless it doesn’t cause harm to society. It would be then, that kind of freedom should be restricted but when can these freedoms be restricted? Should it come to physically harming an individual to their brink of suicide? Physical harm and verbal harm play two different roles in society but I definitely believe are both dangerous. On Liberty, Mill makes funs of Plato that anyone can have an ideal society. Mill also defines justice in a variety of ways before making it into one whole thing.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Eassy for P.E

Biography of Christopher Bruce Christopher Bruce was born on the 3rd of October 1945 in England, he started studying dancing at 11 years old, and he began with tap and ballet. After studying at the Rambert School Christopher Bruce joined Rambert Ballet in 1963, where he quickly became the leading male dancer. Bruce appeared in works such as Don Quixote in 1964 and Coppelia in 1966. Then the company began to experiment with ballet and modern, combining them to form, specifically the Martha Graham technique. Martha Graham created 181 ballets and a dance technique that has been compared to ballet in its scope and magnitude. Many of the great modern and ballet choreographers have studied the Martha Graham Technique or have been members of her company. ) When Bruce danced the role of Pierrot Lunaire, his own interpretive skills were noticed. Bruce was â€Å"dominating everything- practically living the part†. Bruce then worked with Glen Tetley, he discovered that â€Å"the motive for the movement comes from the centre of the body†¦ rom this base we use classical ballet as an extension to give wider range and variety of movement† In 1977 he was appointed associate director of the company and was its associate choreographer from 1979-87, he created over twenty works for the company. Between 1986-91 he acted as associate choreographer also for London Festival Ballet, later ENB, and resident choreographer for Houston Ballet in 1989. In 1994 he became artistic director for RDC. Often political in his work, he integrates classical ballet and modern dance, often set against popular music by artists like Bob Dylan, Rolling Stones.His productions include ‘Cruel Garden', 1977, ‘Ghost Dances', 1981, ‘Swansong', 1987, and ‘Rooster', 1991. Influences Social and political themes emerge as naturally as a reflection of his own concerns, although his aim is always firstly to create a piece of dance, rather than to make a statement. Neverthe less, he does not see a conflict between creating interesting movement and tackling difficult issues. He believes that there is much beauty in Ghost Dances and similar works. Bruce is typically known for using themes that focus on personal or political issues.He has created abstract pieces but even these have a strong undercurrent of emotion. Bruce uses a wide range of starting points, particularly poetry, literature, music, newspaper articles and world events. For example ‘†¦ for those who die in cattle' reflects his views and concerns of war, ‘rooster' is his idea of relationships, ‘swansong' is probably one of his most moving and emotional pieces and tackles the very serious issue of torture. His views on the general human condition are portrayed in ‘waiting'.Throughout his career, Christopher has been a strong supporter of Amnesty International's ideas and through his choreography he has voiced his concerns for society, the persecuted and victims of a wide range of human rights abuses. Time and again he has returned to these themes and in his most recent work â€Å"grinning in your face†, these concerns are articulated as powerfully as ever. The Arts have an important role to play in exploring social issues and dance can be seen as the most human of the Arts as it is based on the body.The image of the tortured prisoner from â€Å"swansong† or the unjust imprisonment of Reuben Carter, in â€Å"Hurricane† are far more powerful than mere words can ever be. Video extracts of Christopher's work have been used to reinforce talks about human rights abuse. In the 1970's the focus for Bruce was South America and Pinochet's bloody coup against the elected Allende government in Chile. He was deeply moved on the meeting of Joan Jara, who was tortured and murdered by Pinochets forces. This meeting lead him to choreograph, Ghost Dances.He took the theme of the day of the dead, simple symbolism and indigenous dance moveme nts as a basis to convey the plight of the innocent people of South American down the ages and their courage in the face of adversity. Certainly, Ghost Dances has a tremendous impact and audiences in many countries have delighted in its distinctive, rhythmic movement performed to haunting American tunes. However, it is the representation of the oppression of ordinary people, symbolised by the sinister ghost figures, which give the work much of its resonance.On the evidence of ghost dances, swansong, and cruel garden (about the death of Lorca at the hands of the fascists in Spain), human rights themes have provided him with a strong source of inspiration. He remains a passionate advocate for the role of dance and the arts in society and believes that seeing good work and the chance to perform, either as an amateur or a professional, an not only enrich lives, but can also be civilising influence. Ghost dances It was created in 1981, and was influenced by the political oppression in Ch ile.The style was contemporary ballet blended with South American folk dance. The setting of Ghost Dances is a rocky Andean location suggesting the mouth of a cave. The colours (blue's, greens and greys) of the backdrop were very effective and complimented the costumes and movement by adding to the eerie atmosphere. The whole stage was lit by a dim white light. The ‘dead' wear everyday clothes, which are beginning to disintegrate. The Ghost Dancers appear as skeletal figures in striking skull masks. The piece is accompanied by Andiean folk music, with panpipes, guitars, and flutes.The tune is infectious, rhythmic and tuneful. The style of the choreography is sinuous and graceful, incorporating folk-dance influences. The Ghost dancers style of dance differs to the style of the ‘dead'. The Ghost dancers use very off balanced and angular Movements, there heads are the main key I think to making their dancing look as threatening as it does, they move them very quickly and sh arply in unison and it creates a very menacing effect. The ‘dead', on the other hand are very free flowing and graceful, their posture is very open chested and balletic with very neat but complex footwork.I loved this piece and the skills used to perform it. The fluid motion alongside traditional Chilean folkdance was original and inspiring to watch, it was a very moving piece and had a big impact on me because of the real life issues behind it. Swansong This piece was created in 1987 and was influenced by the fate of political prisoners, the style was contemporary ballet and the prisoner's movements were based on the idea of a swan. The piece is generally based around the fate of political prisoners and their need to break free.Swansong is a deliberately disturbing dance showing a victim being tortured by a variety of means, although there is no actual violence on stage. It shows both the aggressive and sadistic element of interrogation, and how brainwashing, humiliation and playing with emotions can all be part of a long, nerve- racking game. In combining vaudevillian humour, balletic virtuosity, and contempory dance expressionism with such a serious theme, he seeks to create work that can be appreciated at a number of levels by a broad audience.The three dancers are costumed archetypally and very much resembled the set, it was all very simplistic, with the prisoner in just a plain t-shirt and jeans and the two guards are wearing vaguely militaristic khaki trousers and short- sleeved shirts could be viewed as policemen, soldiers, or guards. Programme notes have tended neither to give names to the characters nor to specify roles – choosing instead to simply list the cast and allow audiences to make their own interpretation.The prisoner uses a very graceful and flowing style of dance whilst in contrast the two guards dance in a modern, camp manner, highlighting even more the separation and difference between the guards and prisoner. The simplicity of the staging and ambiguity of the characters lends weight to its universality. The action could be taking place anywhere in the world. The stage is dark and bare with the exception of a single wooden chair lit starkly from above, indicating perhaps a single bulb-hanging overhead in an otherwise empty room.There are seven sections in swansong; each has a different theme and style.  ·Section 1, questions and answers. Throughout the first section the dance suggests the interrogators and victim playing a game of cat and mouse, the dance changing from trios to brief duets and solo's. in the duets the interrogators dance in unison, performing the same material one after the other or slightly varying the steps to attack their victim.  ·Section 2, tea for two. The section section begins with another interrogation session during which the second interrogator walks round his eated victim, and this time the victim taps out ‘answers' but in a defiant mood. The interrogators change tatics.  ·Section 3, first solo. The third section is a solo for the victim alone on the stage and it is more lyrical both in music and movement than the proceding sections. It contrasts with the torture previously shown, appearing to be a cry of frustration and anger at the victim's situation as well as evoking his urge for freedom.  ·Section 4, slow trio. The victim immediately tenses and flinches as the first interrogator reaches towards him, and then relaxes when he is not harmed.No questions are asked. Again the opening sequence is performed twice but at the end of the chair is moved so that the victim cannot return to it. This becomes a recurring theme of this dance; the victims chair is repeatedly pulled away from under him or placed just beyond his reach. He is pushed and thrown around, the effect of the violence is in slow motion. The victim curls defensively on the floor and is uncurled by the second interrogator and the torture continues.  ·Section 5, second solo wi thout accompaniment.Although this section repeats dance motifs from the first solo such as the jumps and arabesques suggestive of flight, it is generally more mimetic. The victim lifts the chair onto his back to make it appear he is carrying a huge weight on his shoulders. He then stands facing the audience staring through the bars of the chair, then he appears to crumble in frustration and the solo ends with his ankles trapped in the bars of the chair as if fetted.  ·Section 6, cane dance. The progression of the piece shows a build up of abuse and humility of the prisoner till the final section where the prisoner performs his last solo, his ‘swansong'.Rooster This piece was created in 1992 and in contrast to my other two chosen pieces is influenced by the Rolling stones; the dance is based on the theme and context of the music. It is danced in a contemporary ballet style blended with modern dance to match the music. The set is a clear stage with naturalistic lighting and a white spotlight. The women wear black skirts, tops and tights and the men wear black trousers and a skirt, a red dress is worn only in one number and that is ‘ruby Tuesday'.The whole piece is danced to rolling stones music ranging from upbeat fast and rocky numbers to slower more relaxed music. The theme of each song in ‘rooster' reflects the character that is dancing it, none of the dances are linked, and each section occurs simply because of the different songs that are used, this helps to create an episodic structure. The tempo of the music dictates the style of dance; the faster tracks are modern and contemporary whilst the slower ones are more balletic.This piece does not present a great deal of emotional involvment with the audience; it is simply based on the theme and context of the music. You can see this by the fact that the dancers, the style of dance and the music purely dictate the song. A Time line of dance works which have been choreographed and produced by Christopher Bruce  ·1969 George Frederic  ·1972 ‘†¦ for those who die as cattle'  ·1974 Weekend  ·1975 Ancient voices of children  ·1976 Black Angels  ·1976 Promenade  ·1977 Cruel Garden  ·1981 Village Sounds  ·1981 Ghost Dances  ·1984 Sergeant early's dream 1984 Intimate Pages  ·1985 Silence is the end of our song  ·1985 Land  ·1987 The dream is over  ·1987 Swansong  ·1989 Symphony in three movements  ·1990 Journey  ·1992 Rooster  ·1995 Meeting point Section B Producing our own piece of choreography in the style of Christopher Bruce in groups. How has the work of the choreographer influenced and inspired my own performance and choreography? I chose Christopher Bruce because of the influences behind his choreography, the real life human rights issues that through symbolism he has transferred this into dance.He has successfully brought more awareness to serious issues that most people would not be aware of because it is not going on in this country. The fact that this affects Bruce personally is very inspiring, as his pieces have real meaning and thought behind them. The three works by Christopher Bruce that I have chosen to study are ‘ghost dancers' and ‘swansong' because of the political human rights issues that influenced them and ‘rooster' because it was a contrast to the other two as its influence was the celebration of the Rolling Stones music.I thought these pieces complimented each other well to evaluate as each bears a large variation of accessible motifs, images and sequences of movement that I could re- interpret in my choreography in the style of Christopher Bruce. As it gave me the opportunity to analyse a variety of influences and issues behind the three pieces. Choreographic notes We choreographed a piece for a trio in the style of ‘rooster'. The set was clear other than three chairs that were used within the dance. We were dressed all in black and wore red scarfs round our n ecks. The lighting of the set was dark red